Districts are about people, not power

Venice Gondolier Sun
January 2, 2010

If you want to get an idea of the absurdity of political districting, you need only take a look in your backyard.

Florida 's 16th Congressional District begins in Charlotte County , curls into Hendry County , around Lake Okeechobee to Fort Pierce , then skips down the Atlantic Coast to Jupiter and Palm Beach . With all the bends and curves, it's a wonder Rep. Tom Rooney doesn't get car sick when he's out visiting constituents.

Or take a look as Sen. Mike Bennett's state Senate District 21, which starts in his home-base of Manatee County , then swoops eastward into DeSoto and Charlotte counties before swinging back toward the Gulf in Lee County .

The examples of laughably weird district boundaries go on and on. There's U.S. Rep. Corrine Brown's District 3, which crosses nine counties from Jacksonville to Pine Hills , for many miles is only a thin strip of political connective tissue. Or Florida House District 55, which extends from St. Petersburg south in a thin strip over the Sunshine Skyway though Manatee and into Sarasota County .

A coalition of public interest groups under the umbrella of FairDistrictsFlorida.org aims to place referendums on next November's ballot that could help draw saner political district lines in Florida . One constitutional amendment covers congressional districts, the other state House and Senate districts. It's important to get this passed before the next redistricting occurs, in 2011.

In general, we prefer not to tinker with the state Constitution. The amendment process is overused; many issues can be resolved just as well or better by legislative action. In this case, however, we have no reason to believe legislators will ever give up any of the power that allows them to create and control their own turf.

A year ago, the Republican-dominated Legislature challenged the titles and ballot summaries of these proposed amendments. The state Supreme Court rejected that challenge.

Last week, legislative leaders said they again might go to the court to block the initiatives, this time arguing they might reduce minority representation, despite the fact the amendments have provisions respecting minorities.

The real issue isn't minority representation or ballot wording or titles. It is a simple matter of the party in control trying to maintain and strengthen its power. In recent years, the Republicans have benefited. That's one big reason that, despite the fact that registered Democrats outnumber Republicans in the state, two-thirds of Florida 's congressional delegation is Republican. The GOP lock on the Legislature is even stronger.

This is not a Republican-Democrat thing, though. We have no illusions the Democrats would choose not to exercise this special power if they could. The problem is the system itself.

The proposed amendments aren't especially bold. They would simply codify objectives: that districts not be drawn to favor any party or incumbent; that districts must be compact when possible and stick to local boundaries; and that minority opportunity be maintained. But they would set constitutionally protected standards and give the public a basis to challenge redistricting-as-usual.

These amendments may not end the practice of consolidating political power through an overwhelming home-field advantage, and may not prevent the weird jigsaw puzzle of gerrymandering that results. They certainly could help, though.